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Jordan-Turkey-Europe: a model partnership?

Recent efforts have led to the establishment of strategic cooperation councils and a visa-free regime between Turkey and a number of Arab countries. Yet, this progress on the bilateral level could evolve into a trilateral process by adding the “European component.” Such remodeling would make it a more multidimensional process, allowing these countries to benefit, through Turkey, from the best know-how in democratic modernization.

Countries in the Middle East aspire -- although to different extents -- to reform of their public institutions, regionalization and decentralization, human rights and women’s emancipation. Europe is the most valuable and closest source of such expertise, and Turkey is well placed to provide guidance. To test such a trilateral partnership, Europe-Turkey-Jordan is a suitable axis.

As outlined by Jordanian researcher Deena Dajani, the conditions of political liberty in Jordan in recent decades compare favorably to those of its Arab neighbors. Even a historian as critical of Arab states as Bernard Lewis has argued that it is in the “reforming autocracies” of the Arab world such as Jordan that the best prospects for democracy exist. I would also add that Jordan is not an “oil rich” country, a factor that pushes society to rely on its own performance and human capital. Jordan’s “benevolent monarchy” is a partner receptive to innovative approaches. Finally, it has the advantage of stability.

European know-how would benefit a changing Jordan; the question is by which institutions and in which political framework could it be best provided. A reforming country would need a range of expertise in developing democratic institutions, in the judiciary and rule of law, local and regional authorities, human rights, women’s emancipation and education. These tools are available as an “all-inclusive package” at a one-stop shop -- the Council of Europe (CoE). Established in 1949 in Strasbourg, this organization is made up of 47 members today, including countries such as Turkey, Ukraine and Russia. It’s good to remember that the CoE was the forerunner of the “European unity” project, before it got overshadowed by the Brussels-based EU.

Mashreq’s bridge to Europe

In the 1990s, the CoE played a catalyzing role in the democratic transformation of Eastern Europe, which later helped it to join the EU. Now it could have positive impact on the Mediterranean and the Middle East. Some non-European countries are already engaging with it. In 1957 Israel joined the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) as an observer, and in 1994 its Congress of Local and Regional Authorities. Today, Tunisia and Algeria participate in the CoE’s Venice Commission, dedicated to constitutional issues. But the most successful example is Morocco, which recently obtained “partner for democracy” status and joined the European Centre for Global Interdependence and Solidarity (North-South Centre).

The countries of the Middle East would benefit significantly from discovering the CoE and exploring its potential. Jordan would be a perfect forerunner, as Queen Rania was awarded the CoE’s North-South Prize for empowering women in 2008. Such a partnership could start a pilot cooperation in the eastern Mediterranean, something that Morocco did successfully in the West.

Given its key position, Turkey has a historic opportunity, if not a responsibility, to foster such a partnership as it takes the helm of the CoE. Since January Turkey began a two-year presidency term in PACE and will soon chair the Committee of Ministers for six months. Initiating a trilateral partnership under the Turkish presidency would have a particular significance and broader regional impact.

Turkey’s gate to the Indian Ocean

Other fields of potential mutual benefit for Turkey and Jordan await their exploration. Jordan, which assumed the secretariat general of the Union for the Mediterranean, could encourage Turkey’s active involvement in this project. In the field of economic integration, Turkey and Jordan have the chance go further than just lifting visa requirements and set their sights on greater achievements. For instance, both countries could grant reciprocal privileges in using their maritime ports. This would allow Turkey access to the Red Sea through Aqaba and Jordan to the Mediterranean via Iskenderun or Mersin. Circumstances are favorable to this. Turkey and its neighbors intend to restore the historic Hejaz Railway, which a century ago was built to connect Istanbul to Mecca. This track has one branch that is still in active use today: the Aqaba railway. The prospect of such a rail connection and the close partnership that Turkey is developing with Syria and Jordan make the project realistic. Turkey, which is striving to expand its foreign trade and regional involvement, would definitely benefit from such easy access to the Indian Ocean, something that it seems to also have in mind as it builds up its strategic partnership with Iraq. However, the Aqaba route would be clearly a better choice than a Basra route through unstable Iraq.

* Murat Daoudov is a member of the North-South Centre Think-Tank of the Council of Europe.

MURAT DAOUDOV

http://www.todayszaman.com/tz-web/news-213794-jordan-turkey-europe-a-model-partnership.html

In the coming two years, three key decision making bodies of the Council of Europe (CoE) will be headed by “non-European Union” Europeans: the Norwegian secretary-general, the Turkish Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) president and the Committee of Ministers’ chairmanships consecutively assumed by Switzerland, Macedonia, Turkey and Ukraine. What does this mean for Europe?

The future of the Council of Europe and, in particular, its correlation with the overshadowing European Union have been broadly debated in its cliques and political circles in the past decade. Rejecting despair, the council strives to stir itself up and reaffirms its particular position as a genuinely pan-European organization. The issue is, however, far from being a matter of mere institutional coexistence between Strasbourg and Brussels; the very articulation between the “Greater Europe,” represented by the council, and the “Small Europe,” united by the EU, is at stake. Since in office, new Secretary-General Thorbjorn Jagland has come to grips with the question of interaction with the EU. Yet the new quest should extend beyond the issue of avoiding duplication and overlaps in policies; the CoE should aim to be more than a mere “standards institute,” but instead become a continent-wide political forum for more challenging projects. The new leadership conjuncture in the CoE offers the opportunity to set priorities from a broader pan-European point of view, bringing to the table issues that matter to all of Europe.

Certainly, it is up to the “non-EU” wing to seize this historic opportunity of taking the helm at a critical time and to shape accordingly the priorities of their leaderships. Both the CoE and the EU have gone through a shaky period of institutional tumult and uncertainty. Finally, however, the Lisbon Treaty comforted Brussels while Strasbourg elected its high-profile secretary-general. Now it is time for business. Here we could list some challenges that would be applicable to all Europeans, summarized in two main topics: strengthening intra-European harmony and fostering the international “rayonnement” of Europe.

Deepening Greater Europe

The foremost step would be to foster the process of EU’s adhering to the European Convention on Human Rights and, as further step, joining the CoE as its 48th member. Such a development will strengthen the “EU component” of the CoE and increase its political weight. The two actors shall also share what they have built up the best. According to Terry Davis, the former secretary-general of the CoE, the EU works to achieve better living standards for its citizens, while the council cares for their quality of life. Mutual enrichment will be a clear win-win game for both. Thus, while the EU adopts the Strasbourg acquis in the field of human rights and democracy, its own standards could go far beyond its enlargement. The CoE could act as a privileged channel for spreading the EU’s consumer protection, health, food safety and environmental standards, adopting these in its conventions.

Another challenging project would be the gradual creation of a “visa-free Europe.” This is not a completely utopian goal as Europe isn’t at an astronomic distance from that ideal. Between the CoE’s 47 member states, there already exist several visa-free spaces, such as the EU-EEA-EFTA-Western Balkans area which includes some 38 countries. Turkey allows all CoE countries’ citizens to travel freely within its borders, while only few of them need a visa for Ukraine. And even Russia, which remains Europe’s most “closed” country, has been bargaining with the EU on the mutual softening of visa regimes for a while. With a pan-European commitment, these policies could be interconnected. After all, Europe must deal with something people can dream of.

Extending the outreach

Another role for the CoE would be to increase its worldwide impact, actively spreading its acquis across the Afro-Eurasian mainland. Several priorities and target areas can be outlined.

In this respect, cooperation with the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) is paramount. The fact that the CoE and the OIC, the second largest organization in the world after the United Nations (57 states), don’t enjoy observer status with each other reflects their mutual lack of awareness. Because of this, when the OIC wishes to build closer relations with Europe and to tackle the issue of Islamophobia, it “naturally” envisages opening its representative’s office in Brussels, even though, the council has more to share with the OIC than the EU does. Not only because intercultural dialogue and anti-discrimination are more the core business of the council, but also because of its dual advantage of experience and of the applicability of its solutions. Both the CoE and the OIC are international organizations and the Islamic world is not ready for the EU-style supra-national approach. Moreover, the council’s decades-long experience in inter-parliamentary cooperation is more along the lines of what the OIC needs to adopt, establishing its own parliamentary assembly. It is also time for the OIC to promote its own “CoE-like” charter on local self-government and the Organization of Islamic Capitals and Cities (OICC), its affiliate body, could also evolve into an assembly similar to the CoE’s Congress of Local and Regional Authorities. Here Turkey’s role as a bridge is crucial. A member of both groups since their foundation, today her representatives chair PACE and hold the position of secretary-general of the OIC.

Another challenge for the CoE would be to discuss its further enlargement. In the east, Kazakhstan has enjoyed observer status at PACE since 1999 and such debate on the country, which is the chair the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in 2010, is symbolically important. In the south, Morocco, which since the 1960s has cherished dreams of European integration, has recently joined the CoE’s North-South Center.

Inside and outside Europe, the CoE must fully assume “goal-setting” and “soft power” roles. It should dare to constantly push for deeper integration throughout the continent, to broaden the common space of democratic standards and to influence positive change in the Afro-Eurasian region. Of course, such an ambitious agenda requires a proactive and strategic-thinking mindset from the leadership. In this respect, the Norwegian-Turkish tandem is well-appointed. Both countries show deep-rooted commitment to the organization that they have supported since its foundation and their political classes have the courage to assume international responsibilities.

*Murat Daoudov is the director of EU studies and international relations at the Union of Municipalities of Marmara (İstanbul/Turkey).

Link: http://www.todayszaman.com/tz-web/news-199950-109-centercouncil-of-europe-time-for-pan-european-consolidationbr-i-by-i-brmurat-daoudovcenter.html